@article{a489cc147c48454f8ecad481195c25d3,
title = "Disease, plantation development, and race-related differences in fertility in the early Twentieth-Century American South",
abstract = "A multiple causes perspective contends that economic development and poor health contributed to early 20th-century southern race-related differences in fertility. The authors link the 1910 IPUMS to the 1916 Plantation Census (1909 data), southern disease (malaria and hook-worm), and sanitation indicators to examine fertility differentials, while accounting for child mortality (an endogenous demographic control). They find that African-American and white women in counties with higher malaria mortality had higher child mortality. Additionally, African-American women exposed to poorer sanitation and plantation development had higher child mortality. Consistent with a multiple causes perspective, white women{\textquoteright}s fertility was lower where land improvement and school enrollment were higher. African-American women{\textquoteright}s fertility was lower in health-place contexts of higher malaria mortality and greater plantation development.",
author = "Cheryl Elman and McGuire, {Robert A.} and London, {Andrew S.}",
note = "Funding Information: We thank the Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York, for permission to access its holdings and use its materials. We also thank Margaret Humphreys, Angela O{\textquoteright}Rand, and Seth Sanders for helpful comments. This article has benefited from presentations at a George Washington University, Department of Biostatistics and Epidemiology, seminar and presentation at the American Sociological Association annual meeting in Seattle, 2016. Elman received support from a Rockefeller Archive Center Award (2013–14). McGuire received support from the National Science Foundation (NSF grants 0003342, 0721000), the Ohio Board of Regents Individual Research Challenge Match Grants (1999–2001, 2007–9), and a University of Akron Faculty Research Grant (2004). Views expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the NSF or any other funders. Funding Information: O{\textquoteright}Rand, and Seth Sanders for helpful comments. This article has benefited from presentations at a George Washington University, Department of Biostatistics and Epidemiology, seminar and presentation at the American Sociological Association annual meeting in Seattle, 2016. Elman received support from a Rockefeller Archive Center Award (2013–14). McGuire received support from the National Science Foundation (NSF grants 0003342, 0721000), the Ohio Board of Regents Individual Research Challenge Match Grants (1999–2001, 2007–9), and a University of Akron Faculty Research Grant (2004). Views expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the NSF or any other funders. Direct correspondence to Cheryl Elman, Social Science Research Institute, Duke University, Durham, North Carolina 27708. E-mail: cheryl2@uakron.edu and cse10@duke.edu 2 The degree of resemblance can be evaluated by comparing the age-specific fertility rates of a given population of women to those in a second, gold-standard high-fertility or natural fertility population (Coale and Trussell 1974). The gold-standard population that is generally used, Hutterite women, had the highest documented fertility of any population because of the particular configuration of proximate determinants of fertility prevailing in their culture, including religious beliefs and societal norms antithetical to the voluntary control of childbearing (Bongaarts and Potter 1983). 3 The different timing of the white and African-American fertility transitions in the South contributed to race-related differences in fertility at specific points in time. Estimates of the timing of the African-American fertility decline vary (Eblen 1974). Tolnay (1981), based on the Coale-Trussell method (M and m), estimated that the African-American rural marital fertility decline began in the late 1890s, a bit later than the white rural decline. There is a broad-based consensus that African-American women{\textquoteright}s fertility rates were higher, but declined more rapidly than white women{\textquoteright}s rates, by the first decade of the 20th century. Tolnay (1981) estimated that the African-American total fertility rate (TFR) fell from 6.79 (1887) to 5.37 (1902); urban fertility decline accounted for the most change until 1896–99. Southern white mean TFRs over the 1886–99 period were 2.97 (urban), 5.42 (rural nonfarm), and 5.71 (rural farm; Tolnay et al. 1982). Publisher Copyright: {\textcopyright} 2019 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.",
year = "2019",
month = mar,
day = "1",
doi = "10.1086/702008",
language = "English (US)",
volume = "124",
pages = "1327--1371",
journal = "American Journal of Sociology",
issn = "0002-9602",
publisher = "University of Chicago",
number = "5",
}