A unified analysis of wh-in-situ in Spanish

Lara Reglero, Emma Ticio

Research output: Contribution to journalArticlepeer-review

7 Scopus citations


This paper provides a unified analysis of wh-constructions in both the Spanish clausal and nominal domains. The analysis builds on recent typological research findings (cf. Cable 2010) and analyzes Spanish as a language that possesses two different Q-particles in its lexicon: a Q-particle that must agree with the wh-phrase and triggers its movement, and a Q-particle that does not agree with the wh-phrase and enters the derivation in the relevant Force (C) position. The analysis captures the distribution and locality properties of interrogative sentences in Spanish, which reveal that only wh-in-situ can appear in islands, survive blocking effects, and appear in subextraction constructions. Crucially, the only requirement for wh-in-situ in the clausal and the nominal domains (the Sentence Final Requirement) can be straightforwardly derived by the interaction of a phonological constraint, the nuclear stress assignment, and the deletion of copies of non-trivial chains created through syntactic movement at the PHON interface. Furthermore, this paper contributes to the general approach of banning optionality from the grammar.

Original languageEnglish (US)
Pages (from-to)501-546
Number of pages46
JournalLinguistic Review
Issue number4
StatePublished - Nov 20 2013


  • Force Q-particle
  • Sentence Final Requirement
  • wh-in-situ

ASJC Scopus subject areas

  • Language and Linguistics
  • Linguistics and Language


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